Many in Tunisia fear that religious radicals are gaining too much
influence over the country's political discourse. The governing Ennahda
Party, however, has to find a way to appeal to both secularists and
Islamists. 'No to coups! Yes to elections!' was the chant blasting out
of loudspeakers at the Place de la Kasbah in the Tunisian capital,
Tunis, last Saturday. More than 200,000 people participated in the
demonstration to show their support for the ruling transitional
government, according to Najib Gharbi, a spokesperson for the Ennahda
Party, which has the most seats in parliament. The demonstration was a
response to anti-government protests that have been taking place in
Tunisia over the last two weeks. Since the murder of opposition
politician Mohamed Brahmi on July 25, a year-and-a-half's worth of
pent-up disappointment and anger has exploded into massive protests. One
of the protesters' key demands is dissolution of the government and the
constitutional assembly, which had been tasked with drafting a new
constitution. The government coalition, made up of the moderate Islamic
Ennahda Party with the secular Ettakatol Party and the center-left CPR
as junior partners, has not been able to provide stability or generate
an economic upswing in the country, while the constitutional assembly
has not been able to fulfill its key task, demonstrators claimed. A
draft constitution was originally supposed to be announced by October
2012. Both the government cabinet and the constitutional assembly are
dominated by Ennahda Party members. Government critics have also called
for an inquiry into the murder of Brahmi, as well as of Chokri Belaid, a
second murdered opposition politician. In late July, the Interior
Ministry announced it has a suspect: Bouabaker el-Hakim, an alleged
radical Salafist born in France. 'Ennahda is betraying Islam' The
growing influence of Salafists poses a challenge to the Ennahda movement
under Rachid Ghannouchi, who returned to Tunisia from exile in 2011.
Officially, Ennahda denies ties to Salafists, and in May the government
took a hard line against the Salafist group Ansar al-Shariah. But
contact between moderate and radical Islamic wings are still suspected
to exist in Tunisia - a prospect the secular opposition is not willing
to accept. At the same time, however, Ennahda's popularity is falling
among some Salafists. 'The party is only interested in political power,
that is why it governs with secularists,' said Walid, a family man who
proudly declared himself a Salafist. The secularists include any parties
that promote a separation of state and religion, he added. 'Ennahda is
betraying Islam,' Wahid said. Ennahda's willingness to cooperate with
secular parties also goes too far for Ansar al-Shariah. It has said it
will join forces with al Qaeda in Maghreb to fight the 'partisans of
secularism,' said Ansar al-Shariah spokesperson Mohamed Anis Chaieb in
March. Ennahda Party members have demonstrated some flexibility in
drafting the country's new constitution. In August 2012, it proposed a
constitutional article describing women as 'complementary' to men, and
did not mention gender equality. Women's rights activists took to the
streets and pressured Ennahda to withdrawal the article. The party also
decided not to imbed Islamic law in the constitution after a debate with
opposition groups. Religion: the new red line But these steps have
not been enough to clear up many Tunisians' doubts about Ennahda. Mériem
Bourguiba-Laouiti, granddaughter of former President Habib Bourguiba,
said she knows one of the reasons why: 'Women feel threatened by Ennahda
because they fear for their rights.' Houcine Tlili, an art historian
and university instructor, is also concerned: 'The Islamists create an
atmosphere of fear. Galleries close, artists are threatened. But mainly
it's our youth who are fighting against the Islamists' anti-democratic
current.' And the Ennahda's judiciary branch has been paying close
attention. Blogger Jabeur Mejri was sentenced to seven years in prison
for 'insulting religion' in 2012 after he published a caricature of the
Prophet Muhammad on the Internet. Journalist and television host Hamza
Belloumi said he sees an increasing amount of self-censorship in
Tunisia. 'Religion is the new red line that no one dares approach,' he
added. Religion's growing role For engineer Seif Katri, the current
protests are more than a confrontation between the government's
supporters and opponents. It's the political role of Islam that splits
Tunisia, he said. 'The religious are on one side and the secularists are
on the other,' he added. As a practicing Muslim, Katri said he was
concerned about the country's short-term future. 'Particularly at the
beginning of democracy, extremes are very dangerous,' he said, adding
that he did not participate in demonstrations for or against the
government. 'During the revolution [that ousted dictator Zine El Abidine
Ben Ali] in 2011, all Tunisians united and took to the streets. It did
not matter if individuals were religious or secular.' But Katri thinks
that situation has changed.

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